Peng Ming-min Case as seen in American Diplomatic Files

Peng Ming-min Case as seen in American Diplomatic Files

美國外交檔案中的「彭明敏案」

　by James Wang
　王景弘

Forty years ago, Gimo Chiang Kai-shek was still enthusiastically shouting slogans of counter-attack and regaining control over Chinese mainland. But outsiders knew better. The situations, domestic and international, were getting worse. His dream of returning to Chinese mainland as liberator was rapidly fading away.

四十年前，蔣介石仍在高喊反攻復國的口號，但是，旁觀者清，台灣的國內外情勢日益惡化，他反攻大陸，解救同胞的美夢正迅速消失。

Early in 1964, Gen. de Gaulle decided to abandon Gimo Chiang and recognize Mao's regime as representative of China. Even Kim Shin, South Korea's Ambassador to OC and a close freind of Gimo Chiang, confided to Ralph Clough, DCM of the U.S. Embassy in Taipei, that although he wished ROC could recover the Chinese Mainland, he felt that the goal had gone beyond ROC's reach. The international status of the ROC would continue to deteriorate and it would be unable to claim that it represented whole China. There would be serious domestic repercussions.

一九六四年初，法國總統戴高樂決定放棄蔣介石，轉承認毛澤東的政權代表中國。即使是與蔣介石關係密切的南韓駐台北大使金信，也對美國大使館副館長高立夫密言，雖則他希望中華民國能收復中國大陸，但他覺得中華民國已無法達成此目標。中華民國的國際地位將繼續惡化，它將無法再自稱代表全中國，這在內部會發生嚴重震撼。

Unknown to Gimo Chiang, he would have serious problems in his hands sooner than expected. The regime of the PRC was secretly developing nuclear weapons and would successfully test it in October.That would effectively shatter his dream of recovering Chinese Mainland. And a young rising star in Taiwan's academic community, Professor Peng Ming-min, together with his two former students, were secretly preparing a declaration which would indict Gimo Chiang's fictious China and point to the way that the people of Taiwan should do to maintain Taiwan as a new democratic
country.

蔣介石還不知他面臨的嚴重問題，來得比預期還要快。中華人民共和國已經在秘密發展核子武器，在那年十月成功完成試爆，此舉實即粉碎蔣介石的反攻大陸夢。另外，台灣學術界一位前途無量的年輕教授彭明敏，和他兩名學生正悄悄準備一份宣言，控訴蔣介石虛妄的中國政府，並指陳台灣人民自救，成為一個民主國家的道路。

The document prepared by Dr. Peng and his students,Declaration On Taiwan Self-Salvation Movement, never got the chance to see the daylight. Thousands of copies of the document were confiscated as soon as the press stopped and Dr. Peng and his students were arrested on charges of sedition.

彭明敏和他學生所擬的「台灣人民自救運動宣言」，並未見天日，數以千計的文件，一印好便被查扣，彭明敏和他的學生以叛亂罪被捕。

The secret arrests were not made public until October 24,1964. No report on Dr. Peng's arrest from U.S. Embassy in Taipei was found until January 29, 1965, when the Embassy told Washington that Dr. Peng would be put on trial in a few weeks and that there had been rumors that Dr. Peng claimed to have the encouragement from Americans in his activities.

對彭明敏等人的秘密逮捕，直到十月二十四日才宣佈。在美國外交文件中所見的第一份有關報告是一九六五年一月二十九日，美國大使館報告華府，彭明敏將在幾週內交付審判，及台北傳言彭明敏供稱他的行動受到美國人鼓勵。

According to the Embassy report, the sources of the rumors were from the ruling KMT. The editor of the Tzu Li Wan Pao,Mr. Li Tse-yi, told American Embassy employee that Ralph Clough would be transferred soon because Dr. Peng had involed the DCM in his confession. Mr. Li cited Ho Hao-jo, a professor at the National Defense College, as his source of information, saying Ho had been sent to persuade Dr. Peng to cooperate and repent.

據美國大使館報告，謠言起自國民黨。自立晚報總編輯李子儀告訴大使館雇員說，因為彭明敏供出高立夫涉案，高立夫最近會被調職。李子儀稱他的消息來自國防大學教授何浩若，何曾奉命去遊說彭明敏悔過合作。

On February 6, 1965, the Embassy reported to Washington the indictment of Peng Ming-min. It is interesting to note that that English translation copy of the indictment was given to Americans by Defense Minister Chiang Ching-kuo, son of Gimo Chiang. Minister Chiang even passed a message that Dr. Peng had stated to interrogators that he had been stronly influenced by a number of Americans. However, Chiang Chiang emphasized that in order not to arouse anti-American feelings these allegations had been left out of the indictment.

一九六五年二月六日，美國大使館報告華府，當局已對彭明敏起訴。令人矚目的是起訴書的英文譯本是由國防部長蔣經國交給美方人員，蔣經國還留話稱，彭明敏向偵詢人員表示，他的行為受到幾位美國人的很大影響。但是，蔣經國強調，為避免引起反美情緒，這些指控並未列入起訴書。

The Embassy comment on the indictment in its report that although Dr. Peng was charged "to use illegal methods to change the constitution and to overthrow the government,"the evidence given in the indictment appeared only to prove that Dr. Peng and his colleagues conspired to prepare and print a pamphlet advocating self-salvation of Taiwan.

大使館在報告中評論起訴書說，雖然彭明敏被控企圖「以非法手段改變憲法及推翻政府」，但所舉之証據卻只証明彭明敏和他的學生僅同謀草擬及印製宣言，倡議台灣人民自救。

On April 2, 1965 a military court found Dr. Peng and his two former students guilty of conspiring through the printing of a pamphlet "to overthrow the government." In its report to the State Department the Embassy in Taipei pointed out that the document apparently "insulted the competence" of Gimo Chiang and others by saying that the counterattack against Chinese Mainland was impossible. But no solid evidence had
been produced which proved the charge that the defendants had attempted to verthrow the government.

一九六五年四月二日，軍事法庭對彭明敏等人印製宣言，意圖「推翻政府」，宣判有罪。美國大使館報告國務院，彭明敏的宣言說反攻大陸不可能，顯然「侮蔑蔣介石和其他領導人」的能力。但並未提出有力証據足資証明被告企圖推翻政府。

However, the Embassy emphasized that no mention was made of Taiwan independence and the iclusion of a call for the solidarity of Taiwanese and mainlanders in the declaration at least indicated an attempt to avoid a clear cut case of treason.

不過，美國大使館強調，宣言未提台灣獨立及納入呼籲台灣人與大陸人團結一致，至少顯示其力圖避免叛國之罪。

The Embaasy seemed relieved to report to Washington that during the trial no mention was made in the testimony of any connection with the case of Japanese, Americans, or Communist elements. Largely as a result of a campaign on his behalf in the American academic community, Dr. Peng was released after six months imprisonment, according to Amb. Walter McConaughy's report to the State Department.

美國大使館對審判中未提及日本人、美國人或共產黨份子涉案，似乎感到鬆一口氣。美國駐台北大使馬康衛報告華府，由於美國學界的奔走營救，彭明敏被關六個月後獲釋。

On December 4, 1965, the Embassy received from local American newsman three articles prepared by Dr. Peng.The most interesting of the three article was the untitled
one that raised twelve questions, saying the declaration was intended to shock the KMT authorities and complacent Taiwanese intelletuals into debate on the future of Taiwan.

一九六五年十二月四日，美國大使館收到當地美國記者提供三份彭明敏所寫的文章，其中一份沒有定題目的文章最有意思，它提出十二個問題，說他擬自救宣言，目的在激起國民黨當局及自滿的台灣知識份子，對台灣前途進行大辯論。

Among the questions that Dr. Peng raised are What is the "government of China" which has lost China forever? Whom does it represent? How long is one going to continue to accept the fiction of Nationalist Government as "Government of China" and the myth of "recovery of mainland China" by this government?

彭明敏所提出的問題包括：已經永遠失去中國的「中國政府」到底是什麼? 它代表誰? 對虛構的國民黨政府代表中國，及國民黨政府的反攻大陸神話，人們還要繼續接受多久? 當然，彭明敏並未能引發大辯論，因為他所提出的問題，並無機會公諸於世。

Of course Dr. Peng failed to provoke a great debate on Formosa's future because the questions he raised had never had the chance to be heard. Dr. Peng wished he could return to teach at National Taiwan University, but that was out of the question. He looked for teaching job overseas but MKT wouldn't let him leave Taiwan.Amb. McConaughy reported that even if the United States Governemnt made strong representations on his behalf, it is unlikely that the GRC would permit Peng to accept an ACLS grant and leave Taiwan.

彭明敏希望能回台大教書，但那是不可能的事。他找國外的教職，但國民黨不准他離開台灣。馬康衛大使報告國務院，即使美國介入強力交涉，中華民國政府也不會同意彭明敏接受美國學術界聯合會的贊助而出國。

As soon as Dr. Henry A. Kissinger became President Richard Nixon's national security adviser in 1969, Dr. Peng wrote a letter to him asking for advice. Dr. Peng was a paticipant in Harvard International Seminar in Tokyo hosted by Dr. Kissinger, a Harvard University professor.

一九六九年初，季辛吉出任尼克森總統國家安全顧問，彭明敏立刻給他寫一封信，尋求他的協助。彭明敏曾參加一九六喩年在東京舉行，由季辛吉教授主持的哈佛國際研討會。

The letter was forwarded by Yoichi Yokobori,a Japanese scholar attneded the same seminar, to the White House with a lengthy letter detailing Dr. Peng's situation.A NSC staff sent Mr. Yokobori a form letter thanking him for "calling our attention to Professor Peng's problem."

他的信由同期日本學者橫堀另撰彭案情形，一起轉寄白宮。白宮國家安全會議一名幕僚回一封信給橫堀，感謝他「提醒我們對彭教授問題的注意。」

Things seemed calmed down a little, but all in a sudden, on January 23, 1970, two resident American journalists called at the Embassy to check a report that Dr. Peng had escaped from Taiwan. The Embassy also denied a rumor that Dr. Peng was smuggled out through Ching Chuan Kang Airbase, which was heavily used by the USAF.

事情沈寂了一陣，但一九七喩年一月二十三日，兩名美國記者向台北大使館查詢彭明敏脫逃離台的消息。美國大使館還否認彭明敏是被從台中清泉岡美國空軍基地私帶出境的謠言。

Despite all kind of rumors, the first solid information about Dr. Peng's route of escape emerged on February 29, 1970 from American Consul in Hong Kong which quoted a
Swedish businessman Congen Kuellberg as saying that Dr. Peng had travelled to Sweden via SAS under an alias.

儘管傳言滿天飛，第一個有關彭明敏逃亡路線的可靠消息是美國駐香港總領事館一九七○年二月二十九日的報告，引述瑞典商人克魯柏稱，彭明敏是以化名搭乘北歐航空公司班機到瑞典。

American scholar Loren Fessler told State Department officials that he was convinced Dr. Peng had transited Japan on his way to Stockholm, but Dr. Peng denied that and
jokingly said he had "rowed to Hong Kong from Kaohsiung with my one good arms".

美國學者費史勒告訴美國國務院官員，他相信彭明敏是經日本抵達斯德哥爾摩，但彭明敏否認，並戲稱他是「單臂從高雄划船到香港。」

A FBI confidential report seemed to confirmed that Dr. Peng had used fake identity to escape from Taiwan to Hong Kong on his way to Sweden. According to the report, U.S. Customs officials at the Metro Airport, Detroit, intercepted a suitcase addressed to Dr. Peng at the University of Michigan from Stockholm and examined it. They found a male wig and a Japanese passport in the name of Abe Kenicki with a date of
birth shown as October 25, 1937. The Japanese passport number D-310319 was issued November 22, 1969 in Tokyo.

聯邦調查局一份機密報告，似乎証實彭明敏用假身份脫逃到香港，轉往瑞典。根據此項報告，美國在底特律機場的海關人員截獲一件由斯德哥爾摩要寄密西根大學給彭明敏的行李，開箱檢查，發現有一頂男性假髮，一本名為阿部，出生日期一九三七年十月二十五日的日本護照，護照號碼 D-310319，一九六九年十一月二十二日在東京所發。

As soon as Dr. Peng's escape was confirmed, the KMT regime furiously devoted its diplomatic efforts to prevent Dr. Peng from entering into the United States.Ambassador Chow Shu-kai presented a memorandum on January 29, 1970 to assistant secretary of state Marshall Green requesting American government to reject any application by Dr. Peng to "seek entry into the U.S. or asylum therein" in view of USG-GRC friendly relations and "to anticipate any attempt on Peng's part to carry on his treacherous activities in the U.S". Amb. Chow emphasized that in light of recent developments, admission of Peng to the U.S. would give rise to misinterpretation that his departure from Taiwan and probable activities are condoned by the U.S. and even USG had connived in his escape.

彭明敏脫逃一經証實，國民黨政府立即動員外交力量，要防範彭明敏進入美國。駐美大使周書楷在一九七○年一月二十九日拜會助理國務卿葛林，聲明鑑於中美兩國的友好關係，及「彭明敏預料將在美國繼續進行陰謀活動」，要求美國拒絕彭明敏「入境美國或要求庇護之申請」。周書楷強調，最近情勢的發展，會使外界對彭明敏入境美國誤解為他離開台灣及其所從事的活動獲美國默許，甚至是美國暗助他脫逃。

Ambassador Green cautioned that GRC and the USG should consider seriously whether refusal to permit Peng enter the U.S. would be in GRC's interest, in view of the likelihood that the case would become cause celebre and Peng probably become focal point for generating press stories and criticism harmful to GRC's interests and relations between two sides. He suggested an alternative to handle the case in a manner that would minimize publicity by permitting Peng to enter by doing what the U.S. can to persuade him to avoid statement and actions against government friendly to the U.S.

葛林大使勸周書楷注意，中華民國政府及美國政府應嚴肅考慮，拒絕彭明敏入境美國是否合乎中華民國政府的利益，因為拒絕入境會使此事轟動，彭明敏可能成為對中華民國政府及雙方關係不利的新聞及批評之焦點。他提議採取別的措施，讓彭明敏入境，由美國勸他避免有害對美國友好之政府的言行，以使宣染減到最低程度。

On February 26, 1970, The American Embassy in Taipei filed a lengthy report to the State Department arguing against granting visa to Dr. Peng. The Embassy said that it believed that the admission of Peng to the U.S. would "create considerable strain in US-GRC relations and increase GRC suspicions of U.S. China policy.

一九七○年二月二十六日，美國大使館向國務院發出長篇報告，反對給彭明敏入美簽証。美國大使館說，它相信同意彭明敏到美國「會在美國與中華民國政府間的關係，製造相當的緊張，並增加中華民國政府對美國之中國政策的猜忌。」

Dr. Peng visited American Embassy in Stockholm on March 16, 1970 and applied for tourist visa to the U.S. It was coincided with the upcoming visit of Chiang Ching-kuo to the U.S. in April. And Dr. Peng's application was withheld. Ambassador McConaughy returned to Washington for consultation in July, 1970 and urged the State Department at least delay granting visa to Peng until the fall of 1971.

彭明敏在一九七○年三月十六日到美國駐瑞典大使館申請旅遊簽証，那正巧與蔣經國四月即將訪美撞期，他的簽証申請被擱下。七月間，馬康衛大使返美述職，並促國務院把彭明敏的簽証問題，至少拖到一九七一年秋天再說。

The KMT government continued to put pressure on the USG.Foreign Minister Wei Tao-min summoned Ambassador McConaughy on August 28, 1970, to reiterated GRC's concern over possibility that the U.S. would admit Peng. Wei said the matter was a "vital matter" to the GRC. And that admitting Peng to the U.S. would be considered as "unfriendly act" bythe GRC.

國民黨政府繼續對美國政府施加壓力。外交部長魏道明八月二十八日召見馬康衛大使，重申中華民國政府的關切。魏道明稱此事對中華民國政府是一個「重大問題」，同意彭明敏入境美國將被中華民國政府視為「不友好行為」。

However, on September 3, 1970, under secretary of State U.Alexis Johnson approved issuing Dr. Peng a non-immigrant visa. In his letter to Dr. Kissinger, Amb. Johnson said that although the GRC would not like this, "we have to bite the bullet sometime and I think it better to do so before the matter is built up into cause celebre. Albeit reluctantly,Walter McConaughy agrees". Assistant secretary of state Green informed Ambassador Chow of the U.S. decision on September 16 that Dr. Peng was not ineligible to receive nonimmigrant visa and that he would be issued such a visa on September 17.

但是，九月三日，國務次卿強森批准給予彭明敏非移民簽証。他在報告國家安全顧問季辛吉的信上說，雖則中華民國政府不會高興，「我們有時不能不作痛苦的決定，而且最好在此事造成轟動之前為之。對此，馬康衛勉強同意。」助理國務卿葛林在九月十六日知會周書楷，因為彭明敏並無不合非移民簽証之規定，美國將在九月十七日發給此項簽証。

Mr. Green told Amb. Chow that the decision was considered the best way to handle the problem in terms of both legal and political factors and in terms of mutual intersets. Amb. Chow responded that he was "distressed" to learn of the U.S. decision which would cause "great alarm" in Taipei. He said that his government would rather face storm from American Congress and academic community than "infinite trouble" which Peng's presence in the U.S. would cause here and elswhere. He hoped that USG would review the decision.

葛林告訴周書楷，就法律與政治及共同利益各層面而言，此項決定被認為是處理這個問題的最佳方式。周書楷回應稱，他知悉如此決定，感到很「痛心」，此決定在台北將引起「大警懼」。他說，他的政府寧可面對美國國會及學界的風暴，而不願面臨彭明敏入境美國在此地及其他地方製造「沒完沒了的麻煩」。他希望美國政府能重新檢討此項決定。

On September 18, Acting foreign minister James Shen expressed his "shock" about the decision in his conversation with DCM of the American Embassy. He called the USG decision on such a sensitive issue of "great importance" as "deplorable" and he could not considered it as freindly act.

九月十八日，代理外交部長沈劍虹對美國大使館副館長表示他對此項決定感「震驚」，美國政府對如此「重大」及敏感問題的決定令人「痛心」，他實不能認為這是友好行為。

Four days later Amb. Chow was instructed to express GRC's "great dismay" at Washington's decision to grant Peng a visa because GRC believed that Peng's arrival could do "serious damage" to GRC. He renew request that the USG reconsider the
decision to admit Peng "in order to avoid undue misunderstanding and avert any other undesirable consequences."

四天之後，周書楷奉命對美國政府批准彭明敏簽証之決定，表示「極度失望」，因為中華民國政府相信彭明敏抵美會對中華民國政府「造成嚴重損害」。他重申要求美國政府重新考慮准許彭明敏入境的決定，「以避免不必要的誤會和防範任何其他不良後果。」

Amb. Green assured Amb. Chow that the USG had put Peng on notice that he being admitted only on understanding that he not engage in organized political activities. But Amb. Chow argued that Peng was certain to engage in political activities and that no effective was of insuring he would not do so.

葛林大使向周書楷保証，美國政府會請彭明敏注意，他獲准入境美國是建立在他不得參加有組織之政治活動的諒解上。但周書楷辯稱，彭明敏一定會介入政治活動，也沒有有效的辦法可以保証他不介入政治活動。

The United States did not reconsidered GRC's appeal and Dr.Peng arrived in the U.S. in late September 1970 to be a visiiting scholar at University of Michigan. The GRC Embassy in Washington used moles to spy on him and tried to kick him out of the U.S. but to no avail.

美國並未重新考慮中華民國政府的請求，彭明敏於一九七○年九月底抵達美國，作為密西根大學的訪問學者。駐美大使館利用抓耙子監視彭明敏的行動，想找機會把他驅逐出美國，卻未得逞。

Amb. Chow and KMT government proved to be right: there was no way to keep Dr. Peng out of political activities. He became leader and spirit leader of Taiwan independence movement that indeed gave KMT regime "indefinite trouble."

周書楷和國民黨政府証明其預料正確：實無法制止彭明敏參予政治活動。他成為台灣獨立運動的領袖和靈魂人物，給國民黨政權帶來「沒完沒了的麻煩」。

And Dr. Peng proved to be visionary: what he advocated in the declaration forty years ago have been either accomplished or accepted as goal of the people of Taiwan.The declaration is the most important document of Taiwan's democratization.

彭明敏証明他是一位有遠見的先知：他四十年前在自救宣言中所揭櫫的理念，不是已經獲實行，便是被台灣人民接納為努力的目標。「台灣人民自救運動宣言」是台灣民主化最重要的一份文獻。